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Census & Sensibility: Bihar Caste Survey Boosts Nitish’s Position Without Hurting Any Party, for Now

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The release of the first-of-its-kind caste survey findings in Bihar has set the political tone in the state, and its broader impact will soon be felt on a national scale as well. While the survey report still lacks clarity on several issues, it highlights the numerical dominance and electoral influence of OBCs in the state in no uncertain terms. This is also seen as a boost to chief minister Nitish Kumar’s political stature both inside and outside Bihar.

Buoyed by the potential electoral implications of the survey results, the CM posted on social media that his government would soon convene a meeting with the nine parties in the Bihar assembly to discuss the findings.

The electoral significance of these findings has triggered a race among political parties to claim credit for the survey. Nitish’s ally and the largest political party in the state, the Rashtriya Janata Dal, has asserted its role, along with the Congress, and even the opposition BJP in the state.

However, upon closer scrutiny of the survey numbers, it becomes evident that the biggest political gains will be enjoyed by CM Nitish Kumar. Hailing from the Kurmi caste, which constitutes just around 2.87% of the state’s population, according to the survey, Kumar has been basing his politics on what political scientists term, a ‘tripod’.

The first pillar of this strategy involved garnering support from the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs), a term used to collectively denote numerous smaller and scattered backward castes in the state. The survey has now found that the EBCs, constituting 36.01% of the population, are the largest social segment in the state, followed by the Other Backward Classes at 27.13%.

The second caste grouping that Nitish innovated was the concept of Mahadalits, which refers to the poorest social groups within the Scheduled Castes (SC). The survey has found that 19.7% of those counted belong to the SC community, a number significantly higher than the 2011 census count of 15.91%.

However, besides Nitish’s JD(U), the Lok Jan Shakti Party of the late Ram Vilas Paswan’s clan and former Bihar CM Jitan Ram Manjhi’s Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM) also claim a significant share of the Dalit votes in the state. Paswan’s party lays claim to Dusadh votes, while Manjhi’s support comes from the Mushar community.

The results of the new survey though may prompt Nitish’s opponents to question whether he can retain the position of CM, considering that he hails from the Kurmi caste, which comprises only 2.87% of the population. In contrast, the Koeris, with a 4.21% share of the population, have two prominent leaders: Samrat Chaudhary, the BJP state president, and Upendra Kushawaha of the Rashtriya Lok Janata Dal, who was once a friend but is now a foe of Nitish.

Lastly, Kumar relied on the Kurmi-Koeri or ‘Luv-Kush’ caste matrix, although not in the same order.

The survey outcome will also elevate Nitish Kumar’s standing within the INDIA bloc, where, despite being the first mover in alliance formation, he has recently been sidelined. Additionally, it will alleviate the pressure on the Bihar CM, as some insiders have suggested that the RJD, his ally, was pressuring him to pursue a “larger” national role, which could have meant leaving the state to the Tejashwi Yadav-led party.

The accomplished survey could also smoothen Nitish’s journey and bolster his negotiating strength, should he choose to rejoin the BJP-led NDA camp.

It will further intensify competition among opposition parties as they strive to reach out to backward castes and secure their votes.

For the RJD, having a definitive count of both its core Muslim and Yadav voters is significant. The number of Yadavs in the state, previously estimated to be between 9% and 12%, has now emerged as the largest caste group with over 14% headcount, constituting over 50% of the Backward Caste population (27.12%).

Additionally, the proportion of Muslims in the state’s population has risen from 16.86% in the 2011 census to 17.70%.

Despite the expansion of its core voter base, the RJD could face challenges in maintaining power and influence in state politics, particularly in the race for the chief minister’s post. This is because the politics of the Extremely Backward Classes may overshadow the politics of the Backward Castes, which has been the focus of Lalu Prasad Yadav’s efforts for years.

In addition, the aggressive number posturing by the Yadav leadership may further alienate the EBCs from the RJD, as there could be a rise in anti-Yadav polarisation, as both groups are not seen as socially compatible on the ground.

The Yadavs, alongside the Kurmis and Koeris, who have been the primary beneficiaries of government schemes and reservations, might now need to share resources and power more equitably with the EBCs.

The Muslims, who have so far largely followed the Yadav leadership within the RJD, may start seeking better representation both within the party’s leadership and in positions of power.

The increase in the share of Scheduled Castes, rising by 3.79% to 19.7% compared to the 2011 census, is likely to further bolster the ambitions of Dalit leaders in the state. Dusadhs, who constitute the core vote bank of the Paswan clan, along with Dhari and Darahi communities, account for 5.31% of the state’s population. Meanwhile, Mushars, the electoral backbone of Manjhi’s HAM, make up 3.08% of the total population, according to the survey. Leaders like Manjhi may leverage these numbers to negotiate for more seats from the BJP in the upcoming Lok Sabha polls.

For the BJP, the findings of the survey do not pose a concern. With Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is himself an OBC, leading the party, it would not be easy for the opposition to level charges of the BJP being anti-OBC. The BJP’s Bihar state president, Samrat Chaudhary, also comes from the EBC grouping. Central schemes, like the recently launched PM Vishwakarma, are specifically targeted at the politically non-dominant but numerically superior EBCs.

Furthermore, the survey findings have also laid the groundwork for the BJP-led Centre, in case it decides to implement the recommendations of the Justice Rohini Commission. Although the report of the commission, which was established for the sub-categorisation of Other Backward Classes and fair distribution of benefits among the groups, has not yet been made public, experts believe that this could potentially be a game-changer for the saffron party.

The general category, or the “upper castes”, constituting 15.52% of the population, is in line with expectations. However, with the continued focus on appeasement of OBCs and EBCs, this group may further lean towards the BJP.

At the national level, the survey will intensify competition among opposition parties as they vie for a share of the OBC vote. Congress MP Rahul Gandhi has already praised the survey, while the Aam Aadmi Party’s Sanjay Singh has reportedly called for a nationwide caste census.

In the coming weeks, this issue will dominate the political discourse until another political party makes a bigger, bolder, and better move related to the OBCs.



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Why Rahul Narvekar Will Have To Blend Legal Acumen, Political Adaptability In 2nd Stint As Maharashtra Speaker

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December 9, 2024

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Narvekar’s first term saw him play a critical role in the Sena vs Sena case, where he managed high-stakes political and constitutional challenges with remarkable poise

Rahul Narvekar (centre)’s first term as Speaker of the Maharashtra Assembly began in 2022, coinciding with a political earthquake that saw the Shiv Sena split into two factions. (PTI)

Rahul Narvekar is all set to make history by being re-elected as the Speaker of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly for a second consecutive term as the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi refused to file a nomination for the post.

Known for his legal acumen and political adaptability, Narvekar’s leadership during one of Maharashtra’s most tumultuous periods has cemented his reputation as a pivotal figure in the state’s political landscape. His tenure saw him play a critical role in the Sena vs Sena case, where he managed high-stakes political and constitutional challenges with remarkable poise.

Narvekar’s first term as Speaker of the Maharashtra Assembly began in 2022, coinciding with a political earthquake that saw the Shiv Sena split into two factions. The Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena (UBT) and the Eknath Shinde-led faction engaged in a bitter legal and political battle over the party’s name, symbol, and the loyalty of its MLAs.

As Speaker, Narvekar was thrust into the eye of this constitutional storm. One of his most significant responsibilities was adjudicating the disqualification petitions filed by both factions against rival MLAs. The stakes were high, as the decisions would determine the composition of the assembly and, by extension, the survival of the Shinde-led government.

Narvekar’s handling of these sensitive matters was closely watched across the nation. While critics accused him of partisanship, his supporters pointed to his adherence to constitutional provisions and procedural fairness. His role gained further prominence when the Supreme Court directed him to expedite pending disqualification cases, highlighting his central position in Maharashtra’s political and legal landscape.

Narvekar’s decisions during this period not only upheld the authority of the Speaker’s office but also set crucial precedents for resolving similar disputes in the future. His ability to navigate the Sena vs Sena saga without letting the assembly descend into chaos earned him respect across party lines, even as his rulings continued to be debated in legal and political circles.

Narvekar’s political career has been marked by his ability to navigate Maharashtra’s dynamic political environment. Born into a family with deep political roots, Narvekar’s father, Suresh Narvekar, was a prominent corporator. This early exposure to politics laid the foundation for his future endeavours. Narvekar began his career with the Shiv Sena, where he emerged as a young and dynamic leader with significant grassroots support. However, internal factionalism and limited growth opportunities prompted him to join the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) under Sharad Pawar. Despite his brief stint with the NCP, it was his eventual move to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014 that proved to be a turning point in his career.

In 2019, Narvekar contested and won the assembly elections from the prestigious Colaba constituency in South Mumbai. His legal background as an advocate added a distinct edge to his political career, equipping him to deal with complex legislative and constitutional matters.

His second term is expected to demand an even greater degree of impartiality, especially as the assembly becomes a battleground for contentious issues.

One of the key areas where Narvekar’s leadership will be tested is in maintaining decorum during heated debates. As Maharashtra’s politics grows increasingly polarised, the Speaker’s role as a neutral arbiter will be critical in ensuring that legislative proceedings remain focused on governance and public welfare.

Narvekar’s journey from a young Sena loyalist to one of Maharashtra’s most influential political figures underscores his adaptability and strategic acumen. His legal background has played a crucial role in shaping his approach to politics, enabling him to navigate complex constitutional questions with confidence. Narvekar’s tenure as Speaker has demonstrated his ability to balance legal obligations with political realities. Whether it was handling disqualification petitions, addressing disputes over assembly procedures, or ensuring that the legislature functioned smoothly amidst political turmoil, his leadership has been marked by a commitment to upholding the dignity of the Speaker’s office.

If re-elected, Narvekar’s second term as Speaker will further solidify his legacy as a key figure in Maharashtra’s legislative history. His ability to adapt, mediate, and lead makes him a crucial figure in Maharashtra’s political narrative. Narvekar’s second term as Speaker will undoubtedly see him take on even greater responsibilities as Maharashtra charts its course through challenging political waters.

News politics Why Rahul Narvekar Will Have To Blend Legal Acumen, Political Adaptability In 2nd Stint As Maharashtra Speaker



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India’s Foreign Secretary In Bangladesh To Hold Talks Amid Attacks On Hindus | India News| News18

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December 9, 2024

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‘Unaware Of India’s Culture’: BJP Calls Out Iltija Mufti For ‘Hindutva A Disease’ Remark

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December 9, 2024

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Iltija Mufti, daughter of former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti, stirred a political row with her remarks on Hindutva.

PDP leader Iltija Mufti | File Image/PTI

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Sunday lashed out at People’s Democratic Party (PDP) leader Iltija Mufti over her recent “Hindutva is a disease” remark, saying that those “unaware of India’s culture and heritage must be given a lesson on Sanatana culture once again.”

Iltija Mufti, daughter of former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti, stirred a political row with her remarks on Hindutva, which came as she reacted to a video of 3 minor boys being forced to chant religious slogans in Madhya Pradesh went viral on social media. CNN-News18 could not independently verify the authenticity of the video.

“Ram the deity must hang his head in shame and watch helplessly as minor Muslim boys are whacked with chappals only because they refuse to chant his name. Hindutva is a disease that’s afflicted millions of Indians & sullied God’s name,” Iltija Mufti said reacting to the viral video.

Submitting a sharp response to Mufti’s remark, BJP leader Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi said, “Those who are unaware of India’s culture and heritage need to be given a message about Sanatana culture once again. Hindutva gives a message of taking all sections of society together and moving forward with inclusive thinking.”

“There is no need to give any knowledge about this. Some people have developed a phobia of Hindutva and those with such a phobia should study about it once,” Naqvi was quoted as saying by India Today.

‘Mufti Must Apologise’

BJP leader Ravindra Raina also reacted to Mufti’s remark on Hindutva and said that the language used by the PDP leader was “derogatory” and asked her to submit an apology for the comment.

“PDP leader has used a very derogatory language. This kind of language should not be used. There might be differences of opinion in politics but derogatory language should not be used…PDP leader Iltija Mufti should apologise for her remarks,” he was quoted as saying by news agency ANI.

West Bengal BJP leader and MLA Agnimitra Paul also slammed the PDP leader, alleging her family of consistently speaking out against India and Hindutva.

“Mehbooba Mufti and her daughter always speak against India. Recently, Mehbooba Mufti compared Gaza and Bangladesh to India, and now Iltija Mufti is comparing Islam with Hinduism. This is an insult to both religions,” Paul said.

Mufti Clarifies Her Remark

After facing backlash over her remark from the BJP leaders, Iltija Mufti clarified her statement, drawing a difference between Hindutva and Hinduism.

“This is an India of Mahatma Gandhi. I have spoken against Hindutva, not Hinduism. I have spoken against Veer Savarkar’s philosophy that India is only for Hindus. I know Hinduism is a religion that promotes peace and compassion. I am against Hindutva as it is a disease that needs to be weeded out.”

In the recently held assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir, she contested from the Bijbehara seat. She lost the election to her National Conference rival, Bashir Ahmad Shah Veeri.

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    Jammu and Kashmir, India

News politics ‘Unaware Of India’s Culture’: BJP Calls Out Iltija Mufti For ‘Hindutva A Disease’ Remark





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